Preserve the French model
Therefore, Macron has five years to complete his political project. Internationally, France has already given – thanks to the Brexit vacuum and for a while to US disengagement Donald Trump – an important international role and grandeur – longed but not recognized by the president’s opponents – after the setbacks suffered by Sarkozy and Hollande. It is the internal reforms that have to be completed, or perhaps even transformed, not so much on the economic level – unemployment is low, the country is doing better even if there is no room for improvement – as it is for the conformity of a French social model, generous and indispensable to the citizens, with financial constraints.
The real issue is purely political. From the elections, from the first round, important data emerged that cannot be ignored: 57.8% of the electorate expressed themselves in favor of a radical, extreme, leftist (25.5%) or right-wing (32.3%) party. If we add Verts, which in France tend to be more pragmatic than elsewhere, the percentage rises to 62.5%: one in three voters does not want a new policy, in fact, a completely different political system. Indeed, Mélenchon, like Le Pen, wants a sixth republic, and Zemmour intends to launch broad institutional reform anyway.
‘Technical’ isn’t exactly ‘political’
Macron has not provided answers to the strong demand for a new policy that recognizes the difficulties – not just economic and not only, even if there is no shortage of problems – for a large segment of the population. It adopted “technical” measures, focused on the efficiency of politics, and also acted in a relatively unscrupulous manner, free from ideological constraints: for example, the gendarmerie supported even in difficult times for the police, measures against “Islamic separatism” were launched, a fitting opportunity But for some critics it is about to respect freedom of association (Muslims in France often voted for Mélenchon). However, he forgot the vast French lands – except for National Gran Dibat With mayors of the whole country – certainly not decisive, and forgotten – despite the purely external official homage to the symbolic aspects of politics. “I will respond to the country’s anger,” he said yesterday.
The Constraints of Non-Referendum Democracy
His method actually has limitations. She cannot pass or cross the road that Le Pen, Zemour, Melenchon and Gillette-Jones follow. Despite the apparent authoritarian leadership, everyone is calling for extensive use of referendums, with the aim of dismantling the system: to change the constitution, as in the case of de Gaulle (who moved formally in the constitutional legality of the Fourth Republic, without coercion), or to approve international treaties (such as Zemmour). Only one convention was launched, dedicated to the climate, with the participation of 150 citizens – apparently not particularly creative. It’s not just a problem of reconciling the French, it’s a very important commitment: it’s something that goes beyond that.
Next Challenge: June’s Laws
Moreover, the danger will certainly not manifest itself in five years, when Macron will not be able to reappear, but immediately, with the legislative elections on June 12 and 19. The French double-shift system inevitably imposes a simplification of the political framework, which is moreover up to the voters themselves. It’s not certain, however, that candidates in Macron’s semi-personal party, from top to bottom, can always turn out as they did in 2017, when the new Macron was full. It is no coincidence that Marine Le Pen, while recognizing the unity of her party (“we alone”) and affirming her determination to “continue her commitment to France and France”, waged a “battle of laws” to avoid it. The president can take the majority again. The battle continues.